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Soviet forces were approaching from the east, pushing through Poland toward Berlin, while American and British soldiers had liberated Paris and Brussels in late summer and were advancing toward the Rhine River in western Germany. Although Nazi leaders and the German population were increasingly aware that the war was lost, the disintegrating Reich continued to murder its victims, including hundreds of thousands of Jews. The Nazis moved thousands of prisoners, both Jews and non-Jews, from near the eastern battlefront to camps inside the Reich, away from the advancing enemy troops, where the healthier prisoners could continue to be used as slave labor for the German war effort.

Forced into open rail cars or marched by foot through mud and snow, sick and exhausted prisoners were moved from camp to camp, exposed to the elements and the violent behavior of SS guards, and shot if they fell behind. One survivor recalled:. No food had touched my lips all the day before.

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I had nothing else, so I ate snow. My whole body shook with cold. The march went on for days and nights and nobody knew where we were being taken. Or, perhaps there are special installations for that? Perhaps they are taking us again to some new installations for killing by gas?

But it seemed that there was no need for any of that; at least two-thirds of the prisoners were already lying lifeless by the roadside. In a few days all of us would suffer the same fate. Indeed, graduates of the Kriegsakademie knew what to do, since precisely this scenario formed the basis of their operational studies.

The lesson of German history screamed one thing: attack and land a crushing blow against a single opponent to shatter the enemy coalition. Citino asserts that the weakness of this approach had already manifested itself by the end of Given their emphasis on operational concerns, German military planners were in a sort of conceptual prison, one in which they thought very little about strategic concerns, but focused almost exclusively on operational victories.

The weakness of this approach lay in the lack of any exit strategy. If maneuver and a war of movement failed to yield a quick strategic victory, the only option left to German leaders seemed to be more of the same: keep winning operational triumphs in the hope that they would eventually lead to overall success.

Therefore, as Citino notes wryly, by , "the Wehrmacht Just as significantly, these dazzling successes of , whether in Poland, Scandinavia, France, or the Balkans, while not achieving any decisive results, had left the Wehrmacht dangerously overextended. Much to German dismay, the pattern established in the first two years of the war held fast in the second half of Once again, the Germans won brilliant battles of maneuver and encirclement but to no avail; the Soviets stubbornly refused to give up.

More ominously, although they lent themselves to spectacular headlines and brilliant weekly newsreels, these encirclement battles proved to be grinding, grueling, costly affairs that began the process of gutting the Wehrmacht. As Citino points out, "[t]he Wehrmacht's losses in men and material, even in victory, were far heavier than they had been in previous campaigns" p. Indeed, one might note that the German army actually suffered more combat deaths in July than in the crisis months of December or January-February For a military organization not keen on logistics or economic mobilization under the best of circumstances, these losses proved beyond capacity for replacement.

From the summer of , the German army consistently ran short on crucial supplies necessary to sustain an all-out war effort. Although the grim, dogged Soviet resistance was primarily responsible for preventing the Germans from converting operational triumphs into decisive victory, another problem had emerged that would plague the Germans in a lack of clear focus on the major strategic goals of the Barbarossa campaign.

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For a country that lacked sufficient resources in the first place, the failure to prioritize key aims on the Eastern Front risked a serious dispersal of effort that could only undermine the larger goal of a quick victory. In a further bitter twist, the conflict between Adolf Hitler and his military leaders put another cherished German military tradition into question: the independence of army commanders in the field.

Although the Germans survived the Soviet counterattack before Moscow and the savage winter of , the experience both reinforced and undermined key German ideas on how to make war. As German leaders pondered the military situation in the early spring of , Citino raises one of the most puzzling questions of World War II: given the fact that their armies occupied much of Europe, why did the Germans fail to mobilize resources on a scale similar to their enemies? Unfortunately, although he poses the question, Citino doesn't provide any answers.

This omission does not so much point to a failure on his part as illustrate a limitation inherent in operational military history: the focus must remain on the battlefield. And here, Citino once again proves adept in his analysis of operational factors. Although the German gaze remained squarely on the Soviet Union, at this point Citino shifts the strategic focus of his book to the desert war in North Africa. Admittedly a side show in terms of sheer numbers, the North African campaign nonetheless confronted the Germans with the troubling reminder that although they barely had strength enough to fight in one theater at a time, they now faced the reality of having to conduct operations simultaneously in a number of far-flung areas.

This dispersal of energies, in turn, presented problems of both a command and logistical nature. In North Africa, of course, Erwin Rommel invoked the traditional independence of the field commander to violate orders on a consistent basis. Even as he was embarrassing his opponents with his operational and tactical brilliance, however, he lacked sufficient logistical support to achieve anything like a decisive strategic victory.

In a reprise of the Russian campaign of , every German victory in North Africa simply led to a strategic impasse that the Germans could not resolve.

In similar fashion, when faced with the dilemma of what to do in Russia after the blitzkrieg had failed, German planners came to the only conclusion possible given their history, training, and assumptions: launch another blitzkrieg campaign. In arriving at this decision, army leaders reinforced their tradition.

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Eventually, Reinhard Heydrich, chief Nazi security officer, sent out a directive cautioning the task force executing squads to be more careful. On the southern fringes of the Soviet Union, however, German killing squads still had difficulties distinguishing Muslims from Jews. He works on the history of modern Europe and Europe's relations with the wider world. Paul Wegener directed and played a leading role in the film set in 16th-century Prague. The Jewish ghetto is in danger and the emperor order the Jews to leave the city.

Only the mythical Golem can help. It's one of the earliest films to address the persecution of Jews. The Austrian-made film is set in Vienna in the s and shows how the residents held Jews responsible for all social ills. Critics, however, have lamented the film's use of anti-Semitic cilches. Four years earlier in , the American director DW Griffith had created the monumental historical film,"Intolerance. Yet in a scene showing the crucifixion of Jesus, Griffith employed Jewish stereotypes.

As a result, critics have also accused "Intolerance" of demonstrating anti-Semitic tendencies. It tells the story of a conflict betweet Jews and Christians at the beginning of the 1st century. The way the Jewish-Christian relationship is showed in the Ben Hur films remains a topic of discussion today. Although hardly known today, GW Pabst's "The Trial" is an astounding early example of how the cinema reacted to the Holocaust.

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Filmed in Austria just three years after the end of the war, Pabst tells a true story set in in Hungary. A young girl disappears from her village and Jews are blamed. Tragically, a pogrom follows. After the war, it took the film industry in Europe quite some time to deal with the subject. The French director Alain Resnais was the first to address the Nazi genocide in , in the unsparing minute documentary "Night and Fog.

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  8. It wasn't until the television mini-series "Holocaust" was made that the genocide was brought to the broader public. The four-part US production directed by Marvin J.

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    Chomsky tells the story of a Jewish family that gets caught in the cogs of the Nazis' genocidal policies. Fifteen years later, American director Steven Spielberg was able to accomplish on the big screen what "Holocaust" had done for television audiences. French director Claude Lanzmann harshly criticized Spielberg's drama. The Holocaust cannot be portrayed," he said in an interview. Lanzmann himself took up the subjects of anti-Semitism and the Holocaust in a completely different way - through long documentaries and essay films such as "Shoah" and "Sobibor.

    Italian comedian and filmmaker Roberto Bengini took a daring approach in his film on anti-Semitism and the Holocaust. In , "Life is Beautiful" premiered, telling the fictional story of Jews suffering in a concentration camps.

    The humor he wove throughout had a liberating effect. An equally moving film by Polish-French director Roman Polanski was released in The project allowed the director, whose mother and other relatives were deported and murdered by the Nazis, to work through his own family's past. Films about the life of Jesus Christ often come up in discussions about anti-Semitism in cinema.

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    Much more controversial was the film that Australian Mel Gibson released two years later.